Guyana Sons and Daughters One Nation One Destiny
By Ron Cheong & Nehru Mangal
We are a nation of many races with a single destiny.
Insight into how we came together and the baggage we each carry can only foster better understanding between all Guyanese.

However, like many other colonial peoples, our histories were subjugated for generations.

Much of its deep and meaningful texture has been lost to us.
Nevertheless, there is much that we can take pride in.

People sometimes remarked in a matter-of-fact manner that, “British Guiana is the land of six races all living together in harmony - Amerindian, White Europeans, Negro, Portuguese, Chinese and East Indian.”

It just seemed to have evolved this way over the years. Whatever their differences and disagreements, most Guyanese could make space for one another in ordinary day-to-day life. And the matter-of-fact manner in which it was spoken of masked an understated satisfaction.

The name Guiana, and later Guyana, is derived from an Amerindian word mea

ning “land of many waters.” It describes a landscape where rapids that begin in inland regions flow into tributaries, collect, travel overland and rush over waterfalls like the towering Kaieteur, one of the highest falls in the world. The flow continues, and powerful rivers like the Essequibo, Demerara, Berbice and Corentyne take shape, flowing down to meet the Atlantic Ocean, which spans Guyana’s entire north coast.

In the Atlantic their currents from these rivers join with those of the Amazon and Orinoco rivers from Brazil and Venezuela, discharging silt along the coast-lands and at the mouth’s of Guyana’s rivers, and creating sandbars which obstruct large cargo ships but support fishing. Ninety percent of Guyana’s population live on the flat coastal region, which is lower than sea level at high tide in many places.

The Amerindians, a native people, came to the area at least one thousand years ago. Here they settled and lived a simple unchanged life, hunting, fishing and gathering. Centuries later, starting with the Dutch in the early sixteen hundreds, Dutch, British and French colonists arrived from Europe and set up trading posts, forts and towns.

They planted tobacco and established sugar plantations. And from about the mid sixteen hundreds they started bringing Black slaves from Africa to work on the sugar plantations. Over the next two centuries, there was a long series of rivalries and conflicts between the Dutch, French and British during which control over and occupation of the lands often changed hands between these European powers. The British finally wrested sole ownership of the colonies through the London Convention of 1814.

In 1831, the colonies of Essequibo, Demerara and Berbice merged to form the colony of British Guiana. Soon after, slavery was abolished in 1834. Plantation owners now needing to replace the former slaves with cheap labour for their labour intensive sugar plantations turned to indentured labourers.

These were lowly paid workers who came to work in conditions resembling slavery, but for an agreed term of usually five years.

Their indentureship contract paid their passage and provided for food and lodging. In some cases there was also a right of repatriation at the end of the term. A small number of Portuguese from Madeira, and later from the Azores and cape Verdes were tried. Chinese were also brought from the south coast of China. However, neither of these groups liked or could handle the work, and they didn’t stick to plantation life.

The sugar estates tried and were more successful with East Indians, who came in large numbers, most of them from northern India. The migration of East Indian Indentured Labourers continued until the early 1900's swinging the population balance, with East Indians becoming the majority racial group ahead of Blacks.

Following the end of slavery, there was a fair bit of inter-Caribbean migration by former slaves and their offspring, particularly from the smaller islands to the larger islands. In 1898 there was a hurricane in Barbados and St. Vincent, and British Guiana volunteered to take in a few hundred of the islanders. By the early 1900's more than 40,000 West Indians, mainly from Barbados had come to British Guiana

Living together
In the 1930's, which were known as the watershed years, the tough times of the Great Depression sparked a remigration among the British West Indian colonies. This population movement gave rise to the beginnings of growing social awareness. Nevertheless, throughout this period and to the end of the Second World War in 1945, the small number of colonial administrators remained the ruling class.

Next in line were the offspring of Black and White European unions who were part of the social middle class of professionals and skilled people. A segment of the Black population completed this group. They had been moving up and had made more gains when some joined the military during the war, returning with new skills.

In general, Blacks gravitated towards urban centres like Georgetown and the Mackenzie-Wismar-Christianburg area where the Demerara Bauxite Company mines were located. They were well represented in the middle class, but the majority remained labourers.

The fair skinned Portuguese, who were not considered White, formed a group of their own in which many were merchants.

More East Indians remained on the plantations or rural villages and planted rice. The few Chinese were spread out, and many of them assimilated into the general population.

Amerindians, like other native peoples were largely marginalised or remained in the inland regions of the country. In the Rupununi area, some intermingled with White settlers.

Living together side by side, these groups evolved a common Guyanese culture akin to a West Indian culture, but with its own distinct traits.

The culture has its own dialect, accent, sayings, proverbs, folklore, favourite dishes, shared common experiences and geography, folk songs, other musical preferences, traditions, festivals, superstitions, values and personality.

Many non-Christians joined in Christmas celebrations, and many Christians join in Deepavali, Phagwah and Eid-Ul-Fitr celebrations.

Mashramani is a national holiday and everyone has seen the steel bands or masquerade.

Guyanese tell stories of moon-gazers, jumbie and the baccoo. Everyone knows that a Guyanese will not come on time. Then he won’t go home until all the rum done.

If a cricket match is on, Guyanese “bird men” will find a limb on a tall tree overlooking the ground. If there is a fete, every Guyanese has a right to get in free. At the same times Guyanese are renowned for their hospitality.

The poorest person in a village will kill a fowl or duck and cook a meal if guests drop in. These things and many more, including the common hardships endured, which none wish for but all take pride in surviving, are some of the things that contribute to a Guyanese identity.

Geography and Culture
The geography of the land also added its unique twists to Guyanese life.

The great rivers that interrupt east-west travel, also give rise to steamers and launches and a river life with its own flavours.

River families could be seen paddling up and down river in balahoos. And the daily lives of many communities were punctuated and ordered by the arrival and departure of the steamer.

Because of flooding on the coast, houses stand in the air on stilts. To keep the ocean out and control flooding, a sea wall runs along much of Atlantic coast.

The coast is also dotted with sluices and kokers and a polder system constructed by the Dutch for drainage. And jetties of concrete and stone stick out into the ocean to divert the currents. These all add to the landscape and the experience of being Guyanese.

Contrasts
Although the colony was on the South American continent, it shared very little in the way of culture or language with its mainland neighbours.

On the west the Venezuelans speak Spanish, to the east the other two Guianas speak Dutch and French, and to the south the Brazilians speak Portuguese. Guyana is also different from its other West Indian relatives, in the make up of the population. Trinidad was the only other British West Indian colony to receive large numbers of East Indian immigrants.

While all Guyanese have a lot in common, the different groups that made up the society also had individual experiences that coloured their outlook and values differently. Blacks had arrived after the Amerindians and the Europeans. But, of the two substantial groups in terms of numbers, the Black population’s ancestry in Guyana extended back longer by two hundred years. Having come over as slaves their family units had been torn apart, parents and children could be separated and sold anytime.

This acceptance had persisted with poorer families. A large number of Black households were headed by women.

It was not uncommon for men to go off looking for work. East Indians, who had come over as indentured labourers held on to their religions. Their religion and native languages like Hindi and Urdu were preserved.

The British were not large in numbers but their language, religion and the reverence of things British permeated the subconscious of a large segment of the population.

Even deranged people walking the street exhibited this condition, and provide the best anecdotes that illustrate the values which people picked up. Walker The British, a Mulatto man, walked around Georgetown in the hot sun with two bricks clasped tightly in his fists while repeating, “the British, the British you fool, highest colour, the British.”

Law And Order was another character. He pushed a cart around in which he had stored a number of large canvass dummies, a whip, a makeshift gallows and a bell used in his countdown to the hangings. He set up his cart at various street corners and lectured on the merits of the law and the judicial system

Guyana boomers
In the postwar years, sanitary technicians were often seen spraying the larvae of malaria carrying mosquitoes from a cistern of pressurized insecticides strapped to their back. And school children faced the regular drill of being lined up for vaccinations against diseases like measles and small pox.

These measures helped to reduce infant mortality rates. In addition the worldwide baby boom had started just about the same time. The lower mortality rate for children and the increased number of births fuelled a surge in the population growth.

People were having four, five and six children, or more. Midwives were very busy and so were hospitals. Medical practice at the time was that a new mother could be kept in a hospital bed for a week after giving birth.

Children were also a sort of built-in social security. They provided more hands to help, and made it more likely later that one or more of the children would be around to help the parents in their old age.

Families often included grandparents, parents and children, all living together in the same household.

To be satisfied, a couple had to have at least one boy child. Common wisdom was that a girl would join her in-laws’ household when she married. However, girls probably played a greater role in holding their birth families together. From childhood girls were generally more cloistered. They stayed closer to their homes and were more involved in domestic activities. This was typical, not true in every instance.

Corporal punishment was in. The belief was, “spare the rod and spoil the child.” If your parents were acquainted with your teacher, preferential treatment meant stricter and sterner rules for you. The primary schools were mostly denominational. The Methodists, Anglicans, Presbyterians, Catholics and the other denominations ran them. Prayers were said three times a day, morning, midday and afternoon. The curriculum focused on what was seen as the functional essentials. Children learned about Pounds, Shilling and Pence.

Socialising, interpersonal communication and most arts were not usually a part of the formal curriculum. Learning was generally imparted by rote and practice, and this worked well for many.

When the children moved on to High School, most of the history learnt at the time was British History, about Cromwell, Thomas Becket, Lord Nelson and the Kings and Queens of England. In geography classes students also learnt about foreign places, and about sand dunes and oxbow lakes. In biology, the Monarch butterfly was studied.

In the decade after the war there was a social and political awakening. Those born during the earlier part of this generation drew more of the older values of their parents and the majority of the population. Children born towards the end of the generation were more exposed to the ideas of those leading change. Each drew from the pooled experience in a different mix.

Politics of the time
In 1953, Guyanese voted in their first ever general election. Universal adult suffrage had been granted, allowing women and none land owning people to vote. The newly adopted constitution allowed for a ministerial form of government but the British appointed governor had most of the real powers, including responsibility for external relations.

The People’s Progressive Party led by Dr. Cheddi Jagan won the elections and formed the Government.

However, the administration was suspended in October of the same year. The British believed that the administration was setting up a communist state. There was a period of interim government from 1953 to 1957.

In 1964, the British with American encouragement, changed the electoral system from “First Past The Post” to Proportional Representation, which the PNC had also been actively campaigning for PR.

Under the First Past The Post system, members were elected by their constituency, and the party with the majority of elected representatives formed the Government. Under Proportional Representation, votes were totalled for the entire country, and seats allocated to each party based on each party’s share of the total vote.

The parties then filled the seats allotted to them with members chosen from their group. The PPP was allotted the largest number of seats of the individual parties, but the opposition was invited to form the government. The PNC with support from the United Force, which was headed by businessman Peter D’Aguair, formed a coalition and assumed power.

Forbes Burnham strengthened his party’s position in the 1968 elections, when the PNC alone formed the next government. Guyana was granted independence from the British on May 26, 1966 and the Cooperative Republic of Guyana was formed in 1970. Forbes Burnham headed the government until his death in 1985. In 1992 the PPP under the Leadership of Dr. Cheddi Jagan were returned to power.

Many of these influences have burrowed themselves deep into the Guyanese psyche and become part of the Guyanese character. They influence the way we instinctively see the world and is part of the heritage we hand down.

At the same time the world has changed. Technology and communication has broadened everyone’s horizons and Guyana is claiming its place on the world stage as a new generation prepares to take the reins.

It’s time to cast-off those limits that have shackled us in the past while embracing the rich history and the land that contribute to what is best in us today.

ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE
BY TOTA CHARRAN MANGAR
SENIOR LECTURER & DEPUTY VICE-CHANCELLOR
May 26, 2009 marks the 43rd anniversary of our country’s attainment of political independence from Great Britain. On this historic day in 1966 a new nation, Guyana, the only English –speaking country on the South American continent, achieved national sovereignty to become the 24th member of the then British Commonwealth of Nations, thus bringing to an end several decades of British colonial rule.

Guyana’s road to political independence was indeed turbulent. For a brief period in the early 1950s its nationalist movement, the original People’s Progressive Party, under the leadership of the Late Presidents, Dr. Cheddi B. Jagan and Mr. Forbes Burnham, enjoyed overwhelming support from the working class and the masses in general as they pursued the noble objectives of national unity and internal self-government . Their resounding victory at the 1953 general elections astounded many, including local reactionaries, the Colonial Office and moreso the U.S. State Department.

The mass-based party’s tenure in office was only short-lived as Great Britain, under considerable American pressure, suspended the Constitution and overthrew the legally -elected government under the guise of preventing the establishment of a communist state in the then British Guiana. The ironical thing about it was that an interim government was imposed and it comprised of many individuals who themselves suffered humiliating defeat at the hands of the toppled nationalist candidates. As if that setback was not enough the nationalist movement itself became severely fractured in 1955 into Jaganite and Burnhamite factions of the PPP and the eventual emergence of the Peoples National Congress two years later. This development paved the way for the intense political rivalry between our two foremost leaders, Dr. Jagan and Mr. Burnham. Unfortunately, it was this split more than anything else which also led to racial strife and insecurity in the immediate pre-independence years. Subsequent events, such as political and social instability, including strikes and disturbances, which erupted as a result of the Kaldor budget and the Labour Relations Bill in the 1962-1963 period, clearly illustrated the turbulent waters that this nation had to endure. Loss of several lives, the destruction of properties, and the severe dislocation of people - to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars, were the sad consequences of this extremely dark period of our country’s history.

Under a new electoral system of proportional representation in 1964 Mr. Burnham headed a PNC/U.F coalition government. As Prime Minister he shouldered the responsibilities of leading the country to independence, while his former colleague, and by then bitter rival, Dr. Jagan, served as Opposition Leader.

Political Independence was achieved on May 26, 1966. With independence came the termination of more than a century and a half of British colonial administrative rule. At the witching hour of midnight, thousands of Guyanese of all walks of life stood proudly and cheered lustily as the Union Jack was lowered and our national flag – the Golden Arrowhead, was hoisted to herald the birth of a new, independent Guyana.

Among those who witnessed the highly significant and unique ceremony were the Duke and Duchess of Kent; Sir Richard Luyt, the first Governor-General of Guyana, former Conservative Colonial Secretary, Mr. Duncan Sandys; and Colonial Secretary, Mr. Anthony Greenwood. Also present were 62 delegates from 47 countries world-wide.

Of added significance and to the tumultuous applause of all who thronged Independence Square, was that comforting “bear hug” embrace between Cheddi and Forbes, the architects of Guyana’s freedom, only minutes before the attainment of nationhood. That emotionally charged happening promised much at the time, but subsequently realized very little.

As part of the independence ceremonials we saw the emergence of our new Guyana Coat-of-Arms.

On it is seen the pride of our fauna life, two jaguars holding a pickaxe and stems of rice and sugar cane, and facing each other proudly across a painted shield on top of which rests a visored helmet topped by the feathered crown of an Amerindian chieftain.

Beneath a scroll-like banner boldly proclaims the Nation’s Motto: “One People, One Nation, One Destiny” while on the shield itself are found three barrulets of azure blue, symbolizing Guyana’s watery nature and its water potential. This Coat of Arms is justifiably accorded pride of place in our national psyche and reminds us of our unity and sense of purpose as an independent nation.

Independence brought with it our National Flag, a slender golden arrowhead set proudly against a background of green and red, stands as a striking symbol of Guyana’s journey into the future.

The lush green colour symbolizes the fields and forests of Guyana’s assets, of which the country is richly endowed. The red triangle represents the zeal and dynamic nature of nation-building that lies before the young and independent nation, while the deep black border stands for the endurance that will sustain the forward thrust of its people. Finally, white symbolizes our rivers, waterfalls and our hydro-electric potential of this “Land of many Waters”.

Our new National Anthem is a popular aspect of our Independence. Reverend Archibald Luker wrote the words of “Green Land of Guyana” in response to the nation-wide competition sponsored by the then active National History and Arts Council, while our distinguished Guyanese educationist and musician, the late R.C.G. Potter, composed its music. The title of our National Anthem is appropriate and expressive of colour and vitality and of land fertility.

On the morning of the 26th May, 1966, the National Assembly witnessed all the pomp and pageantry and ceremonial aspects of Westminister. In the historic Public Buildings, the Duke of Kent handed over to the country’s first Prime Minister, Mr. Forbes Burnham, the Constitutional instruments conceding to us the dignity and pride of Independent Nationhood on behalf of her Majesty the Queen and the British Government.

Undoubtedly, the expectations of all Guyanese were very high at that point in time, and they had every right to be. Our then Prime Minister, Mr. Forbes Burnham, expressed great optimism when he said:” Thus our journeyings to Independence have ended. We face, however, the harder but more emotionally-satisfying and definitely more self-respecting tasks of making Guyana great among the nations - the task of building a free and just society.”

What can we say 43 years after gaining independence? We certainly share the joy, pride and dignity of being an independent nation. Our expectation was that with political independence we would have enjoyed political stability, national unity and social and economic progress. Unfortunately, the stark reality is that, today, our nation is still struggling to achieve these desired goals.

In several aspects we have fallen short, despite the best efforts of many. Political stability and national unity are as elusive as ever. Post-1997 elections violence, some political and industrial actions, as well as an escalation of criminal activity are testimony to this.

While much progress has been made on the social and economic front, the nation is still to completely rid itself of economic dependency on international financial agencies. Foreign debts continue to stifle us, while we experience depressed world market prices for our products. We are still to fully accelerate our production and productivity drives. We continue to suffer from migration and consequential ‘brain drain’ and capital flight. We are soon to feel the devastated effects of the European Union sugar reforms. Then there is the impact of the growing global economic crisis.

As we reflect on independence, let us show a greater sense of purpose and maturity, and greater mutual respect, tolerance and understanding of all Guyanese if we are to survive as a nation. Let us put nation first at this critical juncture of our country’s history and in the face of an increasingly harsh and oppressive world environment in this twenty-first century of ours.
A Happy 43rd Independence anniversary to one and all! Long Live the Republic of Guyana !

PRESENTATION BY THE ARCHITECT OF GUYANA’S INDEPENDENCE, DR. CHEDDI JAGAN, ON THE OCCASION OF THE PRESENATION OF THE INSTRUMENTS OF INDEPENDENCE (from Colonial Rule) 26th May 1966.
“Your Royal Highness, Mr. Speaker, the severing of the British colonial tie in Guyana, and the attainment of political independence, are welcome features of the struggle of this country and its people for a better life.

These features in today’s context do not, however, guarantee the realisation of the better life we all seek. They merely represent a further stage - advancement in the continuing struggle.

I wish to thank their Royal Highness, the Duke and the Duchess of Kent, as representatives of her Majesty the Queen, for their presence in the House to hand over the new Constitutional Instruments.

But lest our position at this historic ceremony be misunderstood, it is necessary for me to observe that the people whom my party represents hold considerable reservations.

The form of the Constitution being handed down at this time is one which perpetuates division in our society and entrenches minority rule.

The Constitution has failed to lay the foundation for national unity. The fundamental right, which the Constitution seeks to safeguard, is, in a great measure, non-existent, and the government has provided evidence in great abundance of its intentions to render all safeguards nugatory.

Detention without trial has plagued our country since July 1964 when, by a Constitutional Amendment, the United Kingdom government gave to the Governor, acting without advice, power to detain without trial.

The power was made to appear, by the world press and radio, to have been exercised by the Government of which I was the head. The powers were, in fact, arbitrarily exercised by the government to the detriment of the members and supporters of the PPP.

Abuses of these powers were now transferred to the Government, and the extension of such state of emergency beyond the date of the attainment of independence have gathered fear in our land, and have frustrated the efforts of our people and their struggle for peace and security.

The people whom my party represents are denied any participation in the governmental process.

Besides, political independence has been attained under the continuation of consolidation of foreign economic control and the maintenance of a colonial type of economy based on primary production and extraction.

Debt burdens are already increasing with the resulting pressure on the economy. The annual recurring budgetary deficits will inevitably mean dependence on other governments for budgetary support.

In these circumstances there is no prospect for real independence in external affairs, and the protestations of the Government of pursuing a neutral policy are illusory.

The PPP has been the victim of repeated constitutional manipulation designed to keep it out of office.

We are nonetheless confident that, despite these manipulations, the PPP can be triumphant in future elections if these are fairly held.

Parliamentary democracy has an important place in this country and a heavy onus lies on all of us, but more particularly on the government to see that it works.

The PPP, the vanguard for Guyana’s struggle for national liberation, is convinced that liberation is achieved only when it has been struggled for and won.

It cannot be a gift of charity. For the people real freedom is still a prize to be won - and win it we will, as a reunited free people”.

PRESENTATION BY THE INCUMBENT PRIME MINISTER, LINDEN FORBES SAMPSON BURNHAM, ON THE OCCASION OF THE PRESENTATION OF THE INSTRUMENTS OF INDEPENDENCE (from Colonial Rule) 26th May, 1966
“Your Royal Highness, Mr. Speaker. May I, on behalf of the Parliament of Independent Guyana, and the people of this new nation, express gratitude, first of all, for your Royal Highness undertaking the duty - we hope with pleasure, of representing her Gracious Majesty, the Queen of Guyana, on the opening of this first and significant session of the National Assembly of Guyana.

Today is historic, primarily because we are indulging in an exercise which is the first of its kind by the Parliament of Guyana.

We have come to the end of the road of Colonial rule and, not without significance to our minds, is the fact that her gracious majesty, Queen of the United Kingdom, is Queen of Guyana.

Our association with the Crown, our membership of the Commonwealth, are matters of free and untrammeled choice by the representatives of the people of Guyana.

After 150-odd years of British rule and, in some cases, misrule, we are now independent, but we harbour no bitterness. Bitterness, we feel, is for children and the intellectually underdeveloped.

It is difficult, nay – impossible, to change the facts of past history and, in the circumstances, though we welcome with enthusiasm our new status, we are prepared, not to spend the time ahead of us abusing those who once dictated to us, but rather to seek means of cooperation with them - to our mutual advantage – shall I say self-interest?

I desire, on this occasion, to request you, Your Royal Highness, to convey to her gracious Majesty, the Queen, the kind of feelings we hold towards her as Head of the Commonwealth, and as a person whom we have met, seen, admired and, in some cases, loved.

I shall ask Your Royal Highness to convey to her Majesty, the Queen of Guyana, the loyalty of the people of the independent nation of Guyana, who are happy to have her as their Queen.

The days ahead are going to be difficult and, in the circumstances, we are heartened and encouraged by her Majesty’s kind wishes, and also by the asseverations of friendship and willingness to assist coming from other Governments in the Commonwealth, more particularly, in the present circumstances, from the Government of the United Kingdom.

Tomorrow, no doubt, we as Guyanese will indulge in our usual political conflicts and ideological differences, but today, to my mind, is above such relatively petty matters, for today Guyana is history.

Today we say good-bye to the British as masters, and we shake hands with them as friends and colleagues.

It is difficult to say more. A descendant of those who were brought here against their will, one who has known the embarrassment of being a colonial subject, I am moved and all I can say now is “Thank you sincerely, your Royal Highness, and please be good enough to convey to the Queen our thanks, our gratitude, and our undertaking to make Guyana an outstanding member of the Commonwealth - we hope surpassing those who have been independent members for years before us. Thank You”.

ODE TO LIBERATION
Literature, especially poetry, which captures and encapsulates the soul of a nation, is a slowly dying form of expression.

Administrative and corporate funding is serving to expand the dirty ditties and flesh trade beyond all parameters, so millions are expended to import talent to teach our youths violence and lewdness in dancehall extravaganzas, and in promoting beauty (sic!) pageants; but how many ideas lie buried, how many pens have been stilled, how many books left unwritten for lack of support?

But the nation’s quintessential soul and historical saga have been captured by its writers of both prose and poetry, as expressed below:

Letter Two – Martin Carter

After 20 days and 20 nights in prison

You wake up and search for birds and sunlight

You wait for rain and thunder

And you think of home with pain inside your heart

And your laugh has scorn more bitter than a curse

You think of green mornings

Naked children playing in the rain

And even fishes swimming in a pool

A shop in a street and women passing by

Walking from home to market in the morning

A blind old man tapping with his stick

Seeing no one, no light, no golden flower

But wandering through that night wrapped in his face

O my darling

O my dear wife, whose voice I cannot hear

Tell me, the young one, is he creeping now?

And is he well and mischievous as ever?

Or is the cloud, so heavy in the land

Too deep for him to see the wonderful sky?

I send a kiss to tell you everything

About today, the twentieth, in the distance

Through Arawak Eyes (Verses 2 & 4)
– David Campbell
Through Arawak eyes I’ve watched

The southern morning breaking

Over the wide Atlantic

In a silver northbound plane

Where the scarlet sky knew nothing

Of brown men down below dying

And wished Columbus had turned

His tall ships back forever

To the cursed shores of Spain

Through Arawak eyes….

Through Arawak eyes….

Through Arawak eyes I’ve searched

For answers to why the gentle fall

Before the black and bloodied boots

Of the blind and deaf invaders

And wondered when the mad world

Will at last find its cure

Deep in the Amazon green

Of my jungles and mountains

Through Arawak eyes…

Through Arawak eyes…

A Sonnet – Norman E. Cameron
The slaves groan: freedom’s domain they must share

Their tasks wring sweat of blood and no return

For wrongs untold their hearts with vengeance burn

But puffed with pride the masters fail to hear

The slaves rebel; the masters quake with fear

Those cower most who showed themselves most stern

And prove what ruled and rulers know or learn

The kind are bravest, yea, the most austere

For, as a shepherd, when the thunder roars

And fitful flashes cleave the air, sublime

His frightened flock’s frail confidence restores

Or as a builder mutely builds his time

And labour lost yet does not sink but soars

To fresher heights, so stands Van Hoogenheim

Rice Pot (1990) – Stanley Greaves
Forever, in that easy diet of rice

What does it matter if an empty bag

Hangs on my shoulder

A universe is not stars in the night

But every single bullet grain

Counted on a shaking spoon

Independence (Extract) –Wordsworth McAndrew

GUYANA - A NATION IS BORN
Realizing Cheddi's Dream of Freedom
BY PARVATI PERSAUD-EDWARDS
From Whence We Came
Located on the northern coast of South America, the Co-operative Republic of Guyana is bordered by Venezuela to the west, Suriname to the east, Brazil to the south, and the Atlantic Ocean to the north.

Slightly smaller than Great Britain, Guyana's total area is approximately 83,000 sq. miles, or 214,970 km2.

European exploration and occupation straddled the world long before Christopher Columbus sailed to Guiana on his 3rd voyage in 1498.

In 1499 a Spanish captain named Alonzo de Ojeda, accompanied by noted geographer and Navigator, Amerigo Vespucci, reached the northern shores of South America in the vicinity of Suriname.

That same year Vicente Janez Pinzon discovered the coast of Brazil, but it was the following year when Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a Portuguese captain, who was voyaging to India, claimed Brazil for Portugal after the first recorded landing on that territory.

The legend of El Dorado, “the City of Gold,” sent English explorer, Sir Walter Raleigh, on a preliminary to these territories in 1595.

Although the Spaniards were the first to arrive in this hemisphere, it was the Dutch explorers who first established, in 1616, a trading post at Kyk-over-al (see over all) on an island located at the confluence of the Essequibo, Cuyuni, and Mazaruni Rivers before expanding their occupation to coastal territories, after the Dutch settlements in Guiana were formally recognized by the Spanish through the Treaty of Munster, which was signed in January 1648.

The coastlands were discovered to be a more viable option to establish an agricultural base, so they began producing coffee and cotton before making sugar their primary cultivation, production, and export commodity.

It was to labour on the sugar plantations that the Dutch first imported African slaves, mainly bought from warring tribals in West Africa by slave traders, after their attempts to harness a labour force from the indigenous tribes had failed.

Although initially occupying territories in the Essequibo region, the Dutch, through Abraham Van Pere and his family, established a settlement in Berbice in 1627. The county of Demerara was founded in 1746 during the tenure of Commander of Essequibo, Laurens Storm Van Gravesande.

At various points of its history this colony that eventually became the Co-operative Republic of Guyana was occupied by the Dutch, the British, the French, and the Spanish; but in 1814 the three colonies, still retaining the names of Essequibo, Demerara and Berbice, were finally ceded to Great Britain and remained British Guiana after being forged into a single unit territory in 1831.

It was during the two-year occupancy of the French that our current capital city of Georgetown was established at the mouth of the Demerara River. The French named the city Longchamps; and when the Dutch regained the territories in 1784 they moved their capital to Longchamps, but renamed it Stabroek. Under British rule the capital city was expanded and renamed Georgetown, with the name Stabroek still being retained for the area it had encompassed as the original townsite.

The Dutch left much that is integral to our history and survival, but it is the drainage and irrigation system that is the enduring legacy of their occupancy, for which Guyanese have much to be thankful, because it is the foundation on which the infrastructural body of this country has grown and developed, thus enabling our social and economic evolution as a nation.

It was also the Dutch that introduced to these territories the inhumane practice of using slave labour to work their plantations, a practice the British continued, and even expanded; but it was also great, good British people of influence who precipitated the movement that eventuated in the abolition of African slavery in the new territories.

Subsequent to the emancipation of slaves in 1838, another human trafficking was introduced to effect acquisition of labour to work on the plantations.

Approximately 250,000 indentured servants, spanning a period between1846 - 1917, were imported from Madeira, China, and India, even from Africa, to British Guiana to replace the freed African slaves, who had trekked away from the sugar plantations for various reasons.

The Portuguese and Chinese ventured into commerce, so it was largely the Indian indentured immigrants who alleviated the labour shortage on the plantations. Most of the immigrants opted to remain in the colony after their term of indentureship had expired, thus adding to the potpourri of nationalities which evolved into the tapestry of the Guyanese nation as exists today.

Birth of Political and Labour Movements
The British captured the three colonies of Essequibo, Berbice, and Demerara thrice - in 1781, 1796, and 1803, after which they retained possession of the territories until finally being formally ceded, through articles of capitulation between the British and the Dutch, territorial rights. These were ceded in 1814 through the Convention of London; although with the stipulated guarantee that the Dutch Constitution remained in force.

Even after emancipation of African slaves and the subsequent repeal of the importation of indentured servants British Guiana remained a society where oppression of the labour force by the plantocracy and the colonial administrators made daily survival of the working class in the colony an exquisitely painful feat of endurance.

As a natural consequence leaders arose from these circumstances and a labour movement, initiated by Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow, evolved that provided the initial challenge to the supremacy of the European oligarchy. From this movement Messrs: HJM Hubbard, General-Secretary of the Trades Union Council (TUC), Ashton Chase, Asst. Secretary of the British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU), Brindley Benn from the British Guiana Clerical Association (BGCA), Dr. Cheddi Jagan, who was fighting for the rights of sugar workers nationwide, but who was then head of the Sawmills and Woodworkers' Union (SWU), and Mrs. Janet Jagan, who was fighting for the general rights of women in every capacity, especially domestic workers, formed the Political Affairs Committee - the forerunner to the PPP, in 1946; while Mrs. Janet Jagan, Ms. Winifred Gaskin, and Mrs. Frances Van Stafford formed the Women's Political and Economical Organization (WPEO) - the forerunner to the WPO, in that same year.

A few non-Europeans had been allowed entry into the Court of Policy in 1891, but it was only after vigorous and sustained efforts over a period of time by the aforementioned organisations, along with a few other persons, that universal adult suffrage, a Bi-cameral Legislature, and an Executive Council were introduced in 1952.

Cheddi's Fight For Independence
Young trade unionist and political activist, Dr. Cheddi Jagan, at Montego Bay in 1945 adopted the Caribbean Labour Congress resolution for federation with dominion status and internal self-government for each territory. He argued on this position in a debate in the Legislative Council in 1948.

The European oligarchy, however, did not want control of the colonies slipping out of their hands and saw Cheddi Jagan as their bitter enemy who could neither be bought nor persuaded to change his policies, so they decided to curtail his activities and undermine his influence at any cost, which they eventually succeeded in doing at the expense of a budding nationhood of a united Guyanese people.

The "PAC Bulletin," which was informing and educating the masses on the need for self-rule, among other issues, was the focus of much agitation by the "massas," who wanted a ban on the six-page mimeographed bulletin.

Vigorous and unrelenting lobbying had led to a new constitution being granted in 1943, with a Legislative Council comprising four ex-officio members, including the Governor, seven nominated non-official and 14 elected members. Elections had been postponed several times, but as a placatory gesture Ayube Edun and Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow had been nominated to the Council.

Several independents contested the 1947 General Elections. It was subsequent to those historic elections, after a victorious Cheddi Jagan first took his seat in the Legislative Council, that the political landscape of British Guiana took a dynamic and dramatic turn.

The Legislative Council became a genuine forum for real debates, even though 'li'l country boy' Jagan was initially ignored by the middle and upper class 'gentlemen,' but he eventually succeeded in transforming the legislature into a forum for the pursuit of social and political justice for his people.

It was during this time that Cheddi Jagan was branded 'communist' by the colonials and the capitalists, because his politics predisposed to fighting for equal rights for the working class, arguing for the empowerment of the helpless and vulnerable in society through various measures and mechanisms he propagated, and was uncompromising in his demands, much to the chagrin and anger of the ruling elitists.

Challenging the upper and bourgeoisie class for the establishment of rights for the proletariat in the Legislative Assembly Jagan was defeated almost every time by the combined efforts of the commercial and ruling elite, but he pursued his struggles at street corners and bottom houses across the country, awakening an awareness and a militancy in British Guiana's subdued and subjugated working class masses. Throughout his lifetime of struggle this bonding with the masses was Cheddi Jagan's strength. His trademark honesty and sincerity was reflected in his blinding smile that won hearts everywhere.

Those who supported the injustices meted out to the working class were amply rewarded. The opposite held true of those who opposed the oppressive systems that had become institutionalized through various factors, all beneficial to the dominant class. Jagan was perceived as their deadly enemy who must be crushed at any cost.

Continuous agitation and protest actions against the plantocracy elicited vicious retribution and, during a 4 1/2 month strike in eight sugar estates, five labourers were shot dead at Plantation Enmore, prompting Cheddi Jagan to pledge "I would dedicate my entire life to the cause of the struggle of the Guyanese people against bondage and exploitation."

The original founder-members of PAC had by then invited several other persons to form a political party in order to provide themselves a stronger platform from which to struggle against imperialism; so it was that the People's Progressive Party (PPP) was formed in January of 1950.

Founder-member Ashton Chase, who was supposed to be chairman, gave way to new member LFS Burnham because of the latter's greater academic achievements. Other office bearers included Dr. Cheddi Jagan, who was elected leader, and Mrs. Janet Jagan, who became the first General-Secretary of the PPP because of her leadership and organising capabilities. The "PAC Bulletin" became "The Thunder," which Mrs. Jagan edited until the day she died.

Continuous agitation by the PPP resulted in the Waddington Constitution Commission visiting British Guiana in 1950. The PPP delegation argued, on the principles of self-determination as outlined in the Atlantic Charter, for the right of the people of British Guiana to frame their own Constitution by the election of a constituent assembly.

The Constitution Commission did not agree to this, and although concessionary changes were made, all veto powers were left in the hands of the representatives of the British Government.

In the meantime the outrageous injustices continued, even to the extent of the prohibition of literary material, which was being freely circulated in the UK and elsewhere, but which was denied to members of the PPP.

Cheddi Jagan was the only member of the Legislature who voted against this violation of a basic human liberty as expressed in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the UN. However, the ban stayed in place. This served as a pretext to oppress PPP members, and it was on the charge of possession of subversive literature, in the form of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru's "Towards Freedom" that Janet Jagan was arrested at a Bhagwat in 1954 and jailed for six months of hard labour, just a few days before her husband was due to be released from a six-months stint in jail for civil disobedience of British Colonial orders.

Universal Adult Suffrage Won: Suspension of the Constitution
British Guiana's first elections under universal adult suffrage was held in 1953 and the PPP won a landslide victory, despite being unable to contest 2 seats in the remote areas due to lack of funds.

However, real rule still reposed in the hands of the colonial and entrepreneurial elite. On the day the elected majority passed in the House the Labour Relations Bill requiring employers to negotiate with labour unions selected by workers, which was deemed "another communist measure," British troops entered British Guiana and, on Friday 9th October 1953, the Constitution was suspended , ending the constitutionally-elected PPP's term after only 133 days in office, and an interim regime was then appointed.

The United States was a prime mover behind the suspension of the Constitution. A month before the PPP's removal from office US Congressman Jackson had observed that BG was within the strategic zone of the US, and Cheddi Jagan was seen as the prime stumbling block of the continued domination of the superpowers in British Guiana.

Resistance to this rape of democracy and the persecution of selected Party leaders, which included jail, detention, and curtailment of travel beyond certain boundaries, was met with a "reign of terror" by the interim regime.

However, the struggle intensified. Civil disobedience and passive resistance, along the lines of Gandhi's freedom fight, had severe repercussions. Discrimination against trade unions, eviction of leaders from sugar estates, and unlimited victimization of dissidents was the order of the day.

In May of 1954 police closed down the PPP headquarters in Regent St and a rift, started by ambitious leaders within the PPP, was encouraged by the oligarchy. Those whose ambitions created a divide in the Party were not jailed nor confined in any way. The Robertson Commission, while condemning Dr. and Mrs. Jagan, Sydney King, Rory Westmaas, Brindley Benn, and Martin Carter as having "communistic leanings, "had said in Paragraph 104 of the Report: "Mr. Burnham is generally recognized as the leader of the socialists in the Party."

The deal offered Burnham was that elections would be allowed if the breakaway faction could garner majority support. This premise did not fructify although two factions of the PPP entered the 1957 elections under the leadership of Jagan and Burnham.

The Jagan faction of the PPP won in nine of the fourteen constituencies. However, although the Party was in office, it was not allowed to hold power. Jagan was given the title 'Chief Minister,' which was changed to 'Premier' after the Party, under his leadership, again won in 1961; but real power was still retained by the British Governor.

Cheddi's Dream Realized: Independence Granted
Lobbying for self-rule was an unending struggle by the Jaganites, but the powers-that-were had no intention to concede independence to an unmanageable Jagan's leadership. They thought that Burnham would have been more controllable.

The Burnhamites had renamed their Party the People's National Congress (PNC) and Mr. Burnham said that he would support the Party that won the 1961 elections in a bid for independence. However, after the PPP again won, strife and disturbances to derail the PPP Government followed.

In 1962, as blueprinted in the notorious X-13 Plan, forces created riots across the country in an open attempt to destabilize and remove the PPP Government.

When the demonstrations and riots intensified Governor Sir Ralph Grey openly suggested to Dr. Jagan that he resign as Premier in order to put a stop to the riots, thereby revealing the nefarious collaborative plan between the ruling faction and the subversive forces to remove the PPP Government. Subsequent de-classified US State documents, and an apology from Henry Kissenger after Dr. Jagan became President in 1992, confirmed this as fact.

British troops arrived in BG on 16th February 1962, forcing a postponement of the Constitutional Conference to 23rd October. The PNC and the UF opposed independence, however, and demanded an electoral system of proportional representation, thus paving the way to removing the PPP from Government by way of a coalition between the PNC and the UF.

Duncan Sandys forced the PPP to accept the PR system through manipulative measures which resulted in further riots in 1963. Dr. Jagan was forced to concede in order to avoid more bloodshed and destruction in the country.

The rest is history. The PPP entered the 1964 General Elections under protest and won 24 seats. The PNC and the UF joined their respective 22 and 7 seats to form a coalition government with the sanction of Governor Sir Ralph Grey.

Even out of office the PPP continued to fight the imperialist forces for independence, although the Party boycotted the London Independence Conference in protest at the detention of Messrs C.V. Nunes and Joseph Jardim; and emergency orders imposed on the nation.

However, the British, which had denied independence to a Jagan-led PPP Government, granted independence to a Government led by Burnham under the assumption that he would be more amenable to control.

The Guyana Independence Act of 1966, the Constitution of Guyana, and the Guyana Order-in-Council constituted the independence instruments.

By the Guyana Independence Act the British Government, on or after 26th May 1966, relinquished ".......responsibility for the government of the territory which immediately constitutes the Colony of British Guiana and which on or after that day is to be called Guyana,"

After the ceremonies Cheddi Jagan, who had fought long and hard for this eventuality, spontaneously hugged Forbes Burnham in a burst of exuberance at the long-last, hard-fought-for realization of a dream of freedom.

However, this was a subjective freedom, as the oppressive forces still held sway in the land. They dominated and devastated this nation with impunity as a result of one rigged election after another.

However, the forces that had conspired to defraud Dr. Jagan of the leadership he so richly deserved joined efforts with the collective freedom-fighting brigade in the land, resulting in a democratically-elected government for the first time in decades.

5th October 1992 truly heralded the dawn of a new era in Guyana.
(Special thanks to all who provided information for this article)

JOURNEY TO FREEDOM
Excerpts from Dr. Jagan’s first Independence Day address as Executive President of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, on the occasion of the 27th Independence Anniversary at a flag-raising ceremony, which was held at the National Park on 26th May 1993.

Mr. Chairman, Prime Minister and Mrs. Hinds, Your Honour, the Chancellor of the Judiciary, Ministers of the Government, Excellencies of the Diplomatic Corps, Members of the National Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, comrades and friends and, most especially, the beautiful children of Guyana!

As we celebrate this historic day, let us pay tribute to our antecedents – the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the Russian Revolution.

For freedom, the Americans and the Haitians, in their national liberation revolutions, overthrew British and French rule respectively; and, for social progress, the French and Russians, in their social liberation revolutions, overthrew the exploitative orders.

These revolutionary struggles for nationhood, justice and bread had worldwide impact after World War 11, particularly in the colonial territories. Everywhere went up the shout – UHURU: FREEDOM!

The price for freedom was high. We are aware of the great sacrifices made by the Indian freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. It was this commitment to freedom, no doubt, that caused Nehru to give us solidarity in our hour of need. As Prime Minister he expressed his displeasure at the destruction of the PPP Government in October of 1953 by inviting me and LFS Burnham to visit India and to address the Indian Parliament.

One of the excuses for our removal from Government was our support for so-called “Mau-Mau terrorism” in Kenya, for which leader Jomo Kenyatta was jailed and detained. I was fortunate to later meet him in London when he visited England as Head of Government of Kenya.

Ghana led the way of Africa’s freedom in 1957, with Kwame Nkrumah as Head of Government – the same Nkrumah who, like Gandhi, Kenyatta, Nehru and others had been persecuted and jailed.

Incidentally, his invitation to me in 1957 for Ghana’s independence celebrations freed me from the chains of colonial tyranny, which had restricted my movements to Georgetown. For breaking those restrictions, I had earlier been jailed. We can certainly draw some conclusions from humankind’s struggle for advancement. These are:

l. Freedom is indivisible. Unity and solidarity are essential for success.

2 There can be no advance without struggle; and there can be no struggle without commitment and sacrifice.

3.. A correct theoretical/ideological framework, which provides the necessary provision for the building of optimism and confidence in the future - a vital ingredient for the necessary political sacrifices, and for future successes.

It is that optimism, that confidence, which must have sustained Nelson Mandela in prison for more than two decades.

As we remember our international heroes today, let us do so without rancour, without pointing fingers, without casting blame.

In today’s interdependent world and information age, whether we are in the north, south, east, or west, growing poverty is a common denominator. In this context, there is no place for the imperial arrogance of the past. We need a genuine partnership based on sovereign equality. Yes, we need partners, not adversaries.

And let us remember our real heroes. For Cuffy, a monument has been built. Let us also honour the real heroes – not those who signed the proclamation, but those who struggled before 26th May 1966 to make our independence a reality…those who launched the Political Affairs Committee in 1946 and the first national liberation political party in 1950, many of the leaders of which have been forgotten and by-passed during the past 27 years. There is a nexus between Cuffy in 1763, 1946, 1966, and October 1992. The lessons of the past must be a guide for the management of the present and the planning of the future.

I wish to say that I have decided to give national awards this year to three categories of persons: those who struggled for independence; those who fought for the restoration of democracy; and those who have served our nation and society with distinction.

In this regard, I want to express our deep gratitude to the governments of the United Kingdom and Canada, the US Congress, the National Democratic Institute, the United Nations, the Carter Centre, the Commonwealth Secretariat, all of whom played a magnificent role in the restoration of democracy to our country.

It is now 222 days since our Government was formed and, as you are aware, our transition was marred by difficulties, but we did not flinch.

Our immediate challenge was to restore internal confidence, which was necessary for the resumption of external financial assistance to our cash-strapped state.

Internally, inflation has been pegged, and actually reduced, during the first quarter 0f this year.

We see a substantial role for overseas private capital and a definite place for our local miners. We look forward to a collaborative, constructive approach towards the development of our natural resources, consistent with the protection of the environment.

To meet the pressing demands for quarry production ….Government hopes to resuscitate the Itabu/Teperu quarry complex.

It is hoped that a greater impact will be made in production, mainly in agro-industry and manufacturing, as a result of the wide range of concessions in the areas of consumption tax and customs duties.

Among our greatest priorities for the resuscitation of economic life and sustained development is the rehabilitation and rebuilding of our social and physical infrastructures.

In spite of sustained and successful efforts in various spheres, we have had, from some quarters, nit-picking, carping criticisms.

It is passing strange that some of the people who were critical of the past privatization/divestment deals seem to be pressing us to move rapidly in the same direction. When in opposition we condemned the indecent with which the former regime privatized our national assets at basement prices in a manner that lacked transparency and that was not in the national interest. We will not do the same.

Privatisation and divestment must be approached with due care. I was not elected President to preside over the liquidation of Guyana. I was mandated by the Guyanese people to rebuild the national economy and restore a decent standard of life for all Guyanese. I will not surrender the interest of the nation for expediency or short-term gain. In the PPP/Civic Manifesto we said: “The PPP/Civic Government will adopt a flexible approach on privatization. It will be guided by our development goals and national and international experience.”

In our general approach to development, we are flexible and conciliatory. We are examining various options and seeking meaningful partnership with foreign and local entrepreneurs. We have an open-door for free enterprise – more open than some industrialized countries and even some of our CARICOM partners.

In our approach to the private sector, we have a special place for local entreneurs. We earnestly wish to facilitate them in as many ways as possible, We need their involvement.

For us development is not simply a technical/economic question. Development, above all, is about people – satisfying their basic needs, ensuring social justice, and empowering our people at all levels to take advantage of their creativity.

We do not intend to delay or hold back the allocation of land to anyone because of their political involvement.

As regards the selection of a chairman of the Elections Commission, no provision had been made previously, either under the old Constitution, or by convention, for consultation with the Minority Leader, but I have gone beyond the Constitution and consulted with the Minority Leader.

But this issue is dragging on and local government elections are being unduly postponed. It is delaying administration by the people at the grassroots where development is being stultified by unpopular bodies, which lack a sense of direction and will to solve our people’s problems.

A bill, now being hammered out by the political parties for electoral reforms, will prepare the way for the long-delayed municipal and village elections.

I want it to be clearly understood that the basic needs of our people – food, water, health, education, housing, electricity, a clean environment, transport, are our first priority.

We are committed not only to efficient management, but to good leadership – management and leadership not only from above, but also from the grass-roots. For us, democracy means all levels in management and decision-making, Our people must build their own future.

One of our best initiatives was the establishment of a broad-based Citizens’ Committee in communities, made up of representatives from all the political parties, religious bodies, business and professions. They have become involved against many anti-national and anti-social activities, such as crime, corruption, smuggling, and narcotics. They are initiating many self-help projects in education, health, roads, drainage and irrigation, sea and river defence, and potable water. It is amazing how the people of Grove village recently circumvented bureaucratic red-tape and put the non-functioning pump in order.

In problem-solving, there is need for more of this innovativeness and creativity, for new ideas, determination and courage. With the burden of our huge debt payments, we cannot afford to do things only in conventional ways, and constantly to be looking outside for financial help, technicians, managers, consultants and advisers. This is what independence is all about – self-reliance. First and foremost, we will fix what is wrong and strengthen what is right. I’m confident that together we can make Guyana No.I.

And we must try to get more from the money that we spend.

Since knowledge opens the door to success, and our key resource is higher education, we need, because of the limitation of funds, to innovate with computer networks and distance-learning to the schools and learning institutions.

Let us celebrate our independence with mass mobilization for the cleaning up of our environment, our habitat.

I wish also to call for volunteers – especially our housewives and retired persons. There is much to be done in schools, hospitals, and other institutions.

This is the time to demonstrate our patriotism and humanity. Volunteer now! Send me your names.

My visit to Kimbia brought home, in a vivid way, the great possibilities of virtually leaping out of the many problems of our overcrowded coastal belt. Other areas like Kuru Kuru and Moblissa, on which millions of dollars were spent, are being examined.

Our Amerindian Task Force, headed by Minister Vibart DeSouza, is formulating an action programme for a better life for our Amerindian communities. We propose to establish an Amerindian Development Fund in the near future.

Like the citizens’ committees, our trades unions too must get more fully involved. For many, many years there has been much talk about workers’ participation. Now trades unions have the possibility, with a progressive government, of putting theory and precept into practice. They need to set up management committees or workers’ councils and confer with the manager with a regular, formal basis about management and decision-making.

We need individual managerial responsibility but collective decision-making. Teamwork will be our guiding principle.

I wish to appeal to all to desist from exploiting race and ethnicity, and fears of ethnic/racial insecurity. Above all, Guyana needs ethnic/racial healing and harmony.

When my wife, myself, and others started the independence struggle in the mid-1940s, we stood firmly on the side of the working people – all the people, regardless of race. Our anti-colonial struggle was not based on race and ethnicity, but on socio-economic issues.

By 1953, we were well on our way to attaining national, racial, and working people’s unity.

I am determined to retrace our footsteps and build us a united nation for all our people. We must break down prejudices and barriers. Under this government, there will be no place for 1st class citizens, 2nd class citizens, or 3rd class citizens – only Guyanese citizens. The hopes and aspirations of our ancestors and past generations to build our country into ONE PEOPLE, ONE NATION, WITH ONE DESTINY have come alive again under our new government.

The travails of the Guyanese people is a saga of courage and defiance, of sacrifices and eventual rejoicing. We came through hard times, but came through we did. As one critic said of Mark Twain’s “Hucklebury Finn,” We see people growing and living, we laugh at their humour, share their griefs; and in the midst of all, behold, we are taught the lessons of honesty, justice and mercy.”

A sense of humility abounds today in Guyana as we accept October 5th as the new beginning of an era filled with hope and Guyanese spirit. We must re-discover ourselves in this new freedom – a rediscovery of our rich heritage and all that make us uniquely and proudly Guyanese.

Let us reconcile ourselves with our history and, so inspired, let us move forward in unity, goodwill, and confidence to make our Guyana more beautiful than we have found it, and imperishable as a nation.

I look forward to your talent, your commitment, and your dedication for us together to make a better future.

Let our actions unite us. We triumphed in restoring democracy on 5th October. In rebuilding Guyana we will also triumph.

All Glory to Our Freedom Fighters!
Long Live our Independent Nation!
Long Live the United and Free People of Guyana!
(Editor’s Note: Because of space constraints Dr. Jagan’s speech was severely contracted)